Article
Head-NP raising analysis of Korean relative clauses
Kiyong Choi
1
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†
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1Department of Korean Language and Literature, Kwangwoon University
†Corresponding author: Professor Emeritus Department,\ of Korean Language and Literature Kwangwoon University, 20 Kwangwoon-ro Nowon-gu, Seoul 01897, Korea, E-mail:
kiyongchoi@kw.ac.kr
* An earlier version of the paper was presented at the poster session of the 24th Seoul International Conference on Generative Grammar (Seoul, 2022). I am grateful to the audiences of the Conference and the three anonymous reviewers of this journal for many helpful (and challenging) comments and questions. Of course, all errors are my own.
ⓒ Copyright 2024 Language Education Institute, Seoul National University. This is an Open-Access article distributed under the terms of the
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Received: Mar 06, 2024 ; Revised: Aug 02, 2024 ; Accepted: Aug 06, 2024
Published Online: Aug 31, 2024
ABSTRACT
There are three approaches to the structure and derivation of Korean relative clauses, among which the no-relative (NR) approach claims that no operator is involved and that the gap in the clause is not a variable but rather a pronominal as in a canonical Korean sentence. The other two approaches assume the involvement of a null operator. They differ from each other on the issue of whether a null operator moves. In this paper, we claim that the movement approach is on the correct track. However, departing from earlier studies that have ascribed the movement to a null operator. we assert that a Korean relative clause undergoes two-step movement: First, a DP including a head NP moves into the relative clause's [Spec, CP], and then the head NP moves rightward out of the relative clause.
Keywords: head-NP raising; Korean relative clauses; SCO; island constraints; WCO; numeral classifiers; amwu NPI